Smoky Mountains Sunrise
Showing posts with label Religion in the Public Square. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Religion in the Public Square. Show all posts

Friday, March 15, 2013

Atheist Group Sues US Gov't to Remove 'In God We Trust' From Currency

The Freedom From Religion Foundation (FFRF), is suing the United States Treasury Department to remove the words "In God We Trust" from all U.S. currency, because they claim the motto is offensive to nonreligious citizens.

Nineteen plaintiffs and the FFRF filed the lawsuit, Newdow v. Congress in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York on Feb. 1. The civil action claims the motto In God We Trust violates the First and Fifth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993.

The plaintiffs' claim that the motto is offensive and forces atheists, agnostics, secular humanists, freethinkers and skeptics to bear a religious message they don't agree with, and are thus forced, when using U.S. currency, to make a false declaration regarding their religious views.

Read more at the Christian Post >>


Tuesday, July 20, 2010

School Group Told Not to Pray on U.S. Supreme Court Steps

From LifeSiteNews
By James Tillman


Earlier this year police reportedly told a Christian school teacher who was leading her students in quiet, private prayer on the steps of the Supreme Court building that she was not permitted to pray there.

The Alliance Defense Fund (ADF), a Christian legal association, has sent a letter to Supreme Court officials threatening legal action unless the Supreme Court police retract their policy and permit the teacher to exercise her constitutionally-protected right to the free exercise of religion.

“Christians shouldn’t be silenced for exercising their beliefs through quiet prayer on public property,” said Alliance Defense Fund Senior Counsel Nate Kellum. “The last place you’d expect this kind of obvious disregard for the First Amendment would be on the grounds of the U.S. Supreme Court itself, but that’s what happened.”

On May 5, Mrs. Maureen Rigo, a teacher at Wickenberg Christian Academy in Arizona, was taking an educational tour of the Capitol with ten students and three other parents. The first stop for the day was the front steps of the Supreme Court, where they took a few pictures before quietly gathering on the bottom level of the steps to pray.

According to ADF they were holding no signs and speaking only in a conversational tone; nevertheless, a court police officer quickly approached them and told them to stop.

“Ma’am, I’m not going to tell you that you can’t pray, but you can’t do it here," he said, according to Mrs. Rigo. "Please go somewhere else.”

She asked, "Since when?"

He answered, "This week."

The group then moved off the steps of the Supreme Court building and began to pray on the streets.

Their prayer was stopped based on statute 40 U.S.C. §6135, which pertains to parades and protests.

It forbids acting in a way meant "to bring into public notice a party, organization, or movement" on the Supreme Court building grounds.

The ADF, however, claims that it is absurd to say that 40 U.S.C. §6135 would forbid the sort of prayer in which the school group was engaged.

"Mrs. Rigo's prayers were not communicated to anyone outside of God and her very small group," the letter argues.

"Her prayers are akin to routine conversations conducted by any other small group of persons touring the Supreme Court grounds."

It continues: "Likewise, Mrs. Rigo was not engaging in a parade, procession, or assembly. She was speaking in a conversational level to those around her with her head bowed."

This means, according to the ADF, that the police officer had "targeted a particular viewpoint for censorship."

"They have singled out and censored religious prayer as the only form of conversation to be silenced," the letters states.

Unless Supreme Court officials inform Mrs. Rigo that she may engage in quiet prayer on the Supreme Court grounds within three weeks, the letter says she will have no choice but to take legal action to ensure that her constitutional rights are not infringed.

Mrs. Rigo and the students, however, say that they at least found the experience educational. The following day they toured the Holocaust Museum.

“Some [students] commented on the way the horror in Germany began so simply with the removal of rights for the Jews while so many others looked the other way,” Mrs. Rigo wrote in an article for the Sonoran News. Other students questioned whether similar policies for Christians were beginning in America.

She finished by saying that students at least learned that “now, more than ever before, they need to be praying for our country.”

Saturday, June 12, 2010

Michael Medved on Popular Culture and the War Against Standards

Michael Medved is well known to millions of Americans as the co-host of the weekly PBS television program, Sneak Previews. An honors graduate of Yale, he is the author of seven nonfiction books, including the bestsellers: What Really Happened to the Class of ’65?, which became a bestseller and the basis for a weekly series on NBC, Hospital: The Hidden Lives of a Medical Center Staff, and with his brother, Harry Medved, The Golden Turkey Awards. Mr. Medved has been a frequent guest on “The Tonight Show,” “Oprah Winfrey,” “David Letterman,” “ABC Nightline,” “Today,” “Good Morning America,” and other programs. He is also active in a wide variety of Jewish causes and is president of the Pacific Jewish Center in Venice, California. In 1989, the December issue of Imprimis featured his presentation, “Hollywood vs. Religion,” which was reprinted in Reader’s Digest. Copies are available upon request.

Editor’s Preview: In this edited transcript of his remarks at Hillsdale’s Shavano Institute for National Leadership seminar, “Faith and the Free Market,” held in Orange County, California in November 1990, PBS film critic Michael Medved describes the destructive character of modern films, TV, art and music and suggests that ordinary Americans fight back.


When people meet me and they find out that I make my living as a film critic, they often exhibit two spontaneous but absolutely contradictory reactions. The first comment is, “Boy, you have a great job!” and, usually in the very next breath, they add, “Aren’t movies terrible these days?”

The fact is that both statements are accurate. I do have a great job in many ways, and yes, movies are absolutely terrible today. Ironically, it is sometimes those films that are the most profoundly, irredeemably awful that make my job most stimulating. That was certainly the case with one of the most critically praised movies of 1990, The Cook, the Thief His Wife and Her Lover.

This is not a film for the faint-of-heart—or the delicate of stomach. It begins with a scene showing the brutal beating of a naked man while the main character gleefully urinates all over him. It ends with that same character slicing off a piece of a carefully cooked and elegantly prepared human corpse in the most vivid and horrifying scene of cannibalism ever portrayed in motion pictures.

In between, we see necrophilia, sex in a toilet, the unspeakably bloody and sadistic mutilation of a nine year-old boy, another victim smeared with feces, a woman whose cheek is pierced with a fork, and an edifying scene with two naked bodies writhing together ecstatically in the back of a truck filled with rotting, maggot-infested garbage. There is, in short, unrelieved ugliness, horror and depravity at every turn. Naturally, the critics loved it.

Caryn James of the August New York Times hailed The Cook, the Thief His Wife and Her Lover as “brilliant.” Two leading film critics, whose approach to film reviewing I have often considered all thumbs, called the picture “provocative” and awarded their coveted “’No thumbs up” endorsement.

Richard Corliss of Time magazine went even further and described the film as “excellent, exciting and extraordinary.”

For me, this sort of critical praise proved even more disturbing than the film itself. The movie just made me sick, but the positive reviews made me angry. My partner and I had initially decided not to cover the film on Sneak Previews, the weekly show we host on PBS, because we felt that by discussing it on the air we’d only be granting it additional publicity. Jeffrey Lyons and I don’t always agree by any means, but we certainly saw eye to eye on The Cook, the Thief His Wife and Her Lover. And when some of our esteemed colleagues began using words like “brilliant” and “excellent” to describe this putrid, pointless and pretentious piece of filth, we decided that we had to respond.

So we did a special segment on our show in the course of which I transgressed one of the great unwritten rules of the so-called critical community: I not only attacked the film itself, but I also attacked my fellow critics who had praised it so lavishly. I objected in particular to the tendency to describe the picture as “a raunchy black comedy” without giving prospective moviegoers any honest indication of the vivid brutality and horrors it contained. I also cited the laudatory response to this hateful film as an indication that Americans are absolutely justified in their deep distrust of film critics.

After I made such statements on nationwide TV, there was a minor—and entirely predictable—firestorm concerning my comments and protesting my alleged “arrogance”. and “irresponsibility” One letter from a viewer in Oregon eloquently summarized these protests: “I was angered and disgusted by your unfair and savage attack on The Cook, the Thief His Wife and Her Lover,” she wrote, and then went on revealingly,

“Though I have not seen the film, I certainly plan to do so and your review was way out of line. The one thing we don’t need is a Jessie Helms clone on PBS…If you are so full of old-fashioned, judgmental, right-winged bigotry, then that is your problem, but you have no right to pollute the airwaves with your narrow-minded stupidity…Your job is to tell us if a movie is skillful or not, but please stay off your moralistic high horse and keep to the business of reviewing movies.”

Ignoring Soul and Substance

This letter represents just one very small skirmish in what I would describe as the “culture wars” currently raging in our society, but it reveals very forcefully what those wars are all about. My correspondent is saying that it’s fine for me to talk about a film being in or out of focus, about sloppy or competent editing, about a convincing or unconvincing performance, but Heaven for—fend that I should address its moral content!

Heaven forfend that I should discuss in any way the message that a particular film is sending to the movie-going public! This is the very nature of the cultural battle before us. It is, at its very core, a war against standards. It is a war against judg ment. Its proponents insist that the worst insult you can offer someone today is to suggest that he or she is judgmental.

One of the symptoms of the corruption and collapse of our national culture is the insistence that we examine only the surface of any work of art. The politically correct, properly liberal notion is that we should never dig deeper—to consider whether a given work is true, or good, or spiritually nourishing—or to evaluate its impact on society at large. Contemporary culture is obsessed with superficial skill and slick salesmanship while ignoring the more important issues of soul and substance. This is one of the consequences of the war on standards—a war that is currently being waged on three fronts: the glorification of ugliness, the assault on the family, and the attempt to undermine organized religion. Each of these fronts is serious enough to merit separate consideration.

The Glorification of Ugliness

Everywhere around us, in every realm of artistic endeavor, we see evidence of the rejection of traditional standards of beauty and worth. In the visual arts, in literature, in film, in music of both popular and classical variety, ugliness has been enshrined as a new standard, as we accept the ability to shock as a replacement for the old ability to inspire.

This tendency has reached absurd extremes with the recent efforts to elevate the banging and shouting of rap music into some sort of noble art form. Consider, for a moment, the recent obscenity trial of 2 Live Crew. One of the expert witnesses who helped secure the group’s acquittal was a professor of literature at Duke University named Henry L. Gates. Under oath, mind you, he testified that these poetic souls, whose lyrics exalt anal rape and the mutilation of female genitalia, had created a “refreshing and astonishing” body of work. Professor Gates went on to compare their achievements to those of Shakespeare, Chaucer, and James Joyce. (As the late George Orwell once commented, “There are some ideas so preposterous that only an intellectual could believe them.”)

In film, the art form which I most regularly consider, the process of degradation has already reached levels that should lead all thoughtful critics to despair for the future of the medium. Indescribable gore drenches the modern screen, even in movies allegedly made for families. And the most perverted forms of sexuality—loveless, decadent, brutal and sometimes incestuous—are showing regularly at a theater near you.

Perhaps you haven’t seen The Grifters, another critical favorite of the last few months. Oscar winner Anjelica Houston co-stars with John Cusak in a story about the sexual tension between a mother-and-son team of con artists. In the climactic sequence, Houston attempts to seduce her boy in order to steal his money, but this heart-warming family reunion ends with blood spurting endlessly from his severed jugular vein.

This kind of work is regularly described as high art, along with another sort of ugliness that is even more commonly celebrated on movie screens today. Film after film centers on characters who are, fundamentally, despicable-amoral losers who give us nothing to admire, nor even to care about.

Goodfellas, the winner of nearly all the most prestigious critics’ awards for 1990, is a case in point. This gritty tale of small-time Mafia hoods is Martin Scorsese’s follow-up to The Last Temptation of Christ. Technically, it is indeed a brilliant achievement, and it features superb performances by a number of talented actors. Why, then, do most people who see the film leave the theater feeling cold and empty?

Because Goodfellas, with its fascination for its own collection of lavishly loathsome characters, never engages our sympathy or our concern. This has been a problem with scores upon scores of recent American films. From Miller’s Crossing to Dennis Hopper’s The Hot Spot, from After Dark, My Sweet to State of Grace, to David Lynch’s Wild at Heart to Robert Redford’s Havana to Jack Nicholson’s Two fakes, Hollywood has been creating central characters with all the warmth and charm of poisonous lizards. This trend reached its logical conclusion, I suppose, in an absolutely unbearable film called Homer and Eddie, in which the heroine, played by Whoopi Goldberg, is a murderer, a thief, and an escaped mental patient who also happens to be dying of a brain tumor. What an inspiring role model for today’s youth!

You may never have heard of Homer and Eddie, or many of the other films I’ve just mentioned, because they all proved to be pathetic flops at the box office. Despite the presence of major stars, obscenely inflated production budgets, and enthusiastic endorsements from some of my fellow critics, these motion pictures failed to connect with ordinary moviegoers. Hollywood nevertheless persists in shelling out untold millions on projects that emphasize the darkest, most repulsive aspects of American life. To vary the lyrics of the old song, these cinematic artists insist on walking exclusively on “The Slimey Side of the Street.”

In years past, in the heyday of Gary Cooper, Jimmy Stewart and Katharine Hepburn, Hollywood was accused of creating characters who were larger than life, more deeply lovable and admirable than people in the real world. Today, the movie business regularly offers us characters who are smaller than life, who are less decent, less intelligent, less noble than our own friends and neighbors. Four years ago, George Roche wrote an eloquent and important book that highlighted the threat within our culture to those values of civility and faith that many of us hold most dear. The name of that book was A World Without Heroes. And that is precisely the sort of world that Hollywood portrays again and again on screen. It is a world in which ugliness—and emptiness—emerge as the new standard for our society.

The Assault on the Family

The second front on the war against standards involves an attack on the family that seems to gather new force with every passing year. For thousands of years, society has acknowledged the fact that a permanent partnership between a man and woman, for the purpose of nurturing children, offers the best chance of human happiness and fulfillment. This fundamental notion has not only been challenged in recent years, it has been assaulted with unparalleled ferocity by some of the most powerful forces in our culture.

The popular music business, for instance, has become a global enterprise of staggering proportions that generates billions of dollars every year through the simple-minded glorification of animal lust. Nothing could stand at a further remove from the selflessness and discipline that are essential to successful family life than the masturbatory fantasies that saturate MTV 24 hours a day.

Once upon a time, parents worried about the impact of idolized crooners like Frank Sinatra, Elvis Presley, or the Beatles, but these performers were tender, wholesome romantics when compared to Guns and Roses, Madonna and other paragons who dominate today’s music scene. The singers of yesteryear certainly exploited sexuality as part of their appeal, but the fantasies they purveyed in their songs still centered on long-term emotional relationships between men and women. What is most striking about the popular music of the moment is the cold, bitter and sadistic edge to the vision of fleeting sex it promotes.

Another message of the music that is ceaselessly reinforced by television and movies is the perverse but pervasive idea that “kids know best.” Teenagers are regularly portrayed as the source of all wisdom, sanity and sensitivity, while their parents are shown as hopeless, benighted clowns. With Bart Simpson regularly turning up on lists of the most admired Americans, we’ve certainly come a long way from the Andy Hardy model, with young Mickey Rooney learning life lessons from his father, the stern but kindly judge. This new idea that children have all the answers, and have to show the older generation how to live and how to adjust to the brave new world around them, is a holdover from the destructive obsessions of the ’60s youth culture, and it poisons the climate for family life.

Even the smash hit motion picture Home Alone, which cunningly caters to America’s desperate hunger for family entertainment, advances the notion that today’s hip kids don’t really need their bumbling parents. The seven year-old hero not only survives in fine style when his parents fly away to Europe and accidentally leave him behind, but the boy also displays remarkable courage and skill in foiling the designs of two adult burglars.

Nevertheless, Home Alone deserves some credit for showing a more-or-less normal middle class family, since this sort of unit has become an increasingly endangered species in American feature films. According to the Census Bureau, two-thirds of all American adults are currently married, but movies today focus overwhelmingly on single people. If you want to test this premise, all you have to do is pick up a copy of any metropolitan newspaper and read the entertainment section to see what’s currently playing at your local theatres. The number of films about single people will outnumber the films about married people by a ratio of five or six to one. And even those relatively rare films that do make an attempt to show life within a family will most often depict a marriage that is radically dysfunctional—with a husband accused of attempting to murder his wife (as in Reversal of Fortune), or a wife sleeping with her husband’s male (or female) friends, as in Henry and June, or The Sheltering Sky, or Alice, or so many others.

Apparently, some stern decree has gone out from the upper reaches of the Hollywood establishment that love between married people must never be portrayed on screen. If a wedding occurs in the course of a film, it invariably marks the conclusion of a romance, never the beginning or the middle of the love relationship. The top grossing film of 1990 was Ghost, one of a series of sex-after-death fantasies that the movie industry has churned out in recent years. In this crafty tear-jerker, the filmmakers seemed to make a point of the fact that the central couple, connected by a love so deep that it survives into the afterlife, have never taken the trouble to get married.

Even those films that seem to celebrate the joys of child-rearing display a contemptuous attitude toward marriage. A few years ago, Hollywood discovered that babies could serve as a major draw at the box office, and attempted to lure moviegoers with a series of diapers-and-formula fantasies. The three most successful of these films—Three Men and a Baby, Look Who’s Talking, and Baby Boom—all featured single people in the parental roles. The underlying message could hardly be more clear: infants may be cute and cuddly and desirable, but they are best enjoyed without the inconvenient entanglements of marriage. This is precisely the sort of irresponsible message that encourages the tragic epidemic of out-of-wedlock births that is sweeping the country.

With its single-minded focus on unmarried characters, the movie industry conveys the idea that it’s exciting to live on your own, but boring and stifling to live within a marriage. The unspoken assumption is that married people never experience anything that’s interesting enough to be dramatized in a feature film. My favorite contemporary psychologist—who also happens to be my wife, Dr. Diane Medved—recently wrote a book called The Case Against Divorce. In the course of that book, she shows how the media’s titillating portrayal of the sexy thrills of singlehood has helped to foster the sense that people are missing something if they remain married, and has thereby promoted the rising divorce rate. Of course, there are many other sociological and psychological reasons that couples break up, but can anyone doubt that the popular culture’s determined assault on the traditional family has contributed to the problem?

Hostility to Organized Religion

This brings us to the third front in the current culture wars, and perhaps the most crucial battlefield of all, and that is the attempt to undermine organized religion. A war against standards leads logically and inevitably to hostility to religion, because it is religious faith that provides the ultimate basis for all standards. The God of the Bible is not a moral relativist, and He is definitely judgmental. The very nature of the Judeo-Christian God is a Lord who makes distinctions. In the Book of Genesis, God creates the world by dividing the light from the darkness, dividing the waters above from the waters beneath, and so forth. In traditional Jewish homes, when we say farewell to the Sabbath every Saturday night and prepare to move into the secular week, we recite a blessing that praises God for separating aspects of reality, one from the others—for making distinctions. To the extent that we as human beings feel that we are created in God’s image, we make distinctions too—and we have standards.

That is a position that is honored by millions upon millions of our fellow citizens, but it is regularly ridiculed in the mass media. One of the national television networks has chosen to promote its most popular show with a scene that mocks a family saying grace. With the Simpsons solemnly gathered around their cartoon dinner table, Bart intones: “Dear God, we pay for all this stuff ourselves, so thanks for nothing.”

Meanwhile, the federal government pays to display a crucifix immersed in a jar of the artist’s own urine, and the nation’s most prominent vocalist, Madonna, abuses Christian symbols and sacraments in sexually explicit music videos commonly viewed by children.

In 1989, I spoke at Hillsdale College on the topic, “Hollywood Versus Religion,” and I focused on the film industry’s self-destructive tendency to portray all religious characters as corrupt, or crazy, or both. I found this pattern particularly perplexing since the major movie projects that attacked traditional faith all turned out to be commercial flops, while the very few films that took a more sympathetic attitude toward religion performed surprisingly well at the box office.

I wish that I could report that Hollywood has gotten the message in recent months, but if anything the situation has deteriorated. Since I last spoke on this subject, major studios have given us films such as Nuns on the Run, which savagely lampoons every aspect of Catholic practice and belief; Star Trek V, in which the villains are a band of crazed believers who follow a mysterious, demonic force that they, and the film’s credits, identify as “God”; Mermaids, which features Cher as a nymphomaniac single mother and manages the considerable feat of trashing both Judaism and Catholicism in the same film; and Godfather III, which focuses on corruption and murder within the Vatican and displays far more sympathy for the mafia than for the Church.

Popular Culture: Why It’s Impossible to Tune Out

When I try to discuss some of these issues with working professionals in the entertainment industry, they usually offer the same response: “Nobody’s forcing people to see these movies,” they’ll say. “If you object to the messages that you’re getting from a piece of creative work, then you can exercise your right to avoid that film, or to switch that channel on your TV set, or to turn your radio off. If something offends you, then it’s easy to tune it out.”

Unfortunately, they’re wrong. Popular culture is an overwhelming and omnipresent force in this society; not even the most determined and conscientious efforts can effectively insulate you—or your children—from its powerful reach.

Allow me to illustrate the point with a personal recollection. Last spring, my family and I went with a large group on a Passover retreat to the mountains near Santa Barbara. It was a wonderful experience, and in the middle of the week we took a private side trip to a nearby lake. The weather couldn’t have been more perfect—with puffy April clouds in a pure blue sky—and as we got out of the car our daughters, aged one and three, went toddling off toward the ducks at the edge of the water. All of a sudden, the one year-old was saying one of her first words, “Duckie! Duckie!” and reaching out to the birds with her chubby little arms, while my wife and I looked on with satisfaction.

But within minutes, a group of teenagers, mostly 13 to 15 year-olds, arrived at the lakeshore. They were carrying a “boom box,” and coming out of that shiny chrome machine was a rap song with the foulest, ugliest language I have ever heard. It produced a series of angry shouts of four-letter words describing rape and feces and oral sex—all blasting out at a deafening volume. Our little girls had never heard those words before. They were startled. I don’t know if it was the words themselves, the violent explosions of that so-called music, or whether it was merely the painful level of that throbbing bass. Whatever it was, my one year-old started to cry. Naturally, the three year-old soon joined her, and we had our hands full trying to comfort two frightened little girls.

I suppose we could have stayed and made a scene, but the fact is that I don’t carry assault weapons in my trunk. Instead, we did the only sensible thing, which was to get into the car and to drive away. We gave up the shores of the lake, the waterfowl, and the beautiful day. We abandoned the scene to these brutish kids, and to the degradation of that hideous noise.

The point is that you can say to yourself, “I’ll just tune out the messages of the media,” but it’s not possible today. In the past, if you talked about popular culture, you meant going to a movie theatre perhaps once a week and paying your money to see a single show. But modern technological advances have brought us boom boxes, and Walkmans, and VCRs, television and MTV. The messages, the images, are everywhere around us, and seep into every corner of our lives.

Is it a coincidence that the war on standards in art, music, television and film, corresponds with increasingly destructive behavior on the part of the young people who are the most devoted consumers of these media?

In one of his most important columns, George Will asks if it was merely an accident that the horrifying “wilding” attack in Central Park so precisely mirrored the images in popular rap songs celebrating sexual violence and the degradation of women. The members of a new generation of American children will have watched an average of 15,000 murders on television by the time they’ve reached the age of eighteen. Is it illogical to suspect that some of them might be intrigued enough by all this vicarious violence that they might want to explore similar experiences first hand?

Is there no connection between the media’s obsession with crime and violence and the fact that the number of 14 to 17 year-olds who were arrested in 1990 was thirty times what it was in 1950?

The rate of out-wedlock-births in this country has increased by 500 percent since 1960, and one out of ten of all teenaged girls will be pregnant in 1991. The Centers for Disease Control recently reported that more than a quarter of American females have engaged in sexual intercourse by age fifteen—five times the rate that prevailed as recently as 1970. How can media moguls plausibly maintain that these behavioral trends have nothing to do with the sex-drenched popular culture that plays such a central, all-consuming role in the lives of so many young Americans?

Ironically, the leaders of the entertainment industry regularly downplay the significance of their own work, insisting that the fantasies they have created have no influence on anyone. The networks and the studios have commissioned expensive studies from various experts to support their appallingly illogical contention that violence on screen has no connection to violence in real life, and that intensely sexual material does nothing to encourage promiscuity.

This same industry then turns around and asks advertisers to pay hundreds of thousands of dollars for thirty seconds of air time in the hope that this fleeting exposure will directly alter the public’s buying behavior! Don’t they grasp the internal contradiction here? On the one hand, we’re told that an hour of television programming has no real world consequences whatsoever, and on the other we’re led to believe that 60-second spots that occasionally interrupt this program are powerful enough to change public perceptions of everything from canned goods to candidates.

I happen to believe that the industry is right when it touts the impact of media images, but I can’t accept the contention that motion pictures, and song lyrics, and music videos and TV shows are somehow less influential than commercials.

Getting Government Out of the Culture Business

That is why the current war on standards in the popular culture is such an important struggle for America’s future. I believe that this will be the issue of the 1990s—the issue of values, of trying to maintain standards against those who are seeking to erase them altogether.

Unfortunately, there’s a tendency at both ends of the political spectrum to confuse this question with absolutist claims about the need for censorship versus the protections of the First Amendment.

For conservatives, there’s the special danger of surrendering to the fundamental liberal temptation, which is to attempt to solve every problem with a new government program. When it comes to the current crisis in values in the popular culture, the governmental initiative that is sometimes recommended is a vastly expanded role for official censorship. I am always surprised at thoughtful conservatives who argue passionately that bureaucratic solutions will never eliminate poverty, or improve medical care, or end racism overnight, but who nonetheless believe that a government program can somehow succeed in the delicate task of raising the moral tone in this country.

Expanded censorship is not the answer, and attempts to move in that direction will invariably prove counter-productive. Take the example of 2 Live Crew, our country’s most celebrated poets of the perverse. When we tried to censor them and had them arrested on obscenity charges, we made these thugs into instant folk heroes. They were performing in front of an adults-only crowd of masochists who had been stupid enough to pay money to listen to their feeble-minded filth, when the police appeared to apprehend the stars of the evening and to cart them away in handcuffs. Of course, they became the objects of sympathy, while receiving generous coverage on the evening news.

Largely thanks to the free publicity resulting from governmental attempts to silence them, 2 Live Crew has now sold more than two million copies of their disgusting album, “As Nasty as They Wanna Be.” This is a group that had been wallowing in well-deserved obscurity before it became the target of would-be censors. As Talleyrand once commented about a particularly ill-considered policy of Napoleon: “It is worse than a crime; it is a blunder.”

People on our side of the current culture wars should be calling consistently for less governmental involvement, not more. The fact is that it is the other side that has relied upon federal power to advance its own purposes in the campaign against standards.

The most obvious example is the outrageous abuse of the National Endowment for the Arts, which has played a major role in helping to underwrite and sanction the glorification of ugliness that we previously discussed. When someone like NEA grant recipient Karen Finley feels a deep compulsion to express her spiritual yearnings by taking off her clothes and smearing her genitalia with chocolate, then more power to her. If responsible adults choose to invest their money in paying for the opportunity to witness such enlightening displays, who are we to object? Nor should we attempt to interfere with the paying fans of another federally supported artist, Miss Annie Sprinkle, who delights members of her audience by urinating on them in the course of her act. But it is hardly reasonable to expect the taxpayers of America to subsidize the cost of those experiences for those who feel the need to share them. Whenever specific NEA grants are questioned, the media and the liberal mandarins invariably holler, “Censorship!” But the issue isn’t censorship at all, it is sponsorship.

On another front in the war against standards, the assault on the family, governmental power is similarly deployed. For many years, perceptive critics have pointed out the way that federal welfare policy promotes and subsidizes promiscuity and illegitimacy. In recent years, the genuine need for AIDS education has provided a new excuse for massive governmental support for radical sexual indoctrination. I am personally acquainted with one mother in the Chicago suburbs who felt compelled to withdraw her sixthgrader from the public schools because the required “AIDS Awareness Unit” featured approving and graphic descriptions of anal intercourse, oral sex, and male and female homosexuality—all presented to 11 year-olds! This particular mother could turn to private education as a refuge, but what about the millions who can’t afford that alternative, or aren’t even aware of what their children are being taught?

We have the right, we have the obligation, to protest such abuses of bureaucratic authority. While it is unreasonable to expect that government provide a solution to the crisis in fundamental values, we certainly should demand that it cease contributing to the problem. Strict governmental neutrality in the ongoing culture wars is not only a legitimate goal, but an attainable one if we fight for it intelligently.

Free Market Solutions and a Grassroots Revolution

In the final analysis, the key issues in the current conflict won’t be decided in the halls of Congress or the offices of the federal bureaucracy. They will be settled, as fundamental questions are always settled most effectively in America, through the application of free market principles and displays of private-sector determination and resourcefulness.

Part of this process will no doubt involve sponsor boycotts, direct protests, letter-writing campaigns, and other forms of organized pressure. These tools are far more appropriate than new governmental regulation, which is, at best, a blunt, sloppy and ineffective instrument. A group called CLEAR TV—Christian Leaders for Responsible Television—has already enjoyed some notable success in this area. They recently pushed Burger King, one of the largest advertisers on network TV, to take out a series of newspaper ads in which the company pledged its support for family values, and promised to apply those values in judging any future television shows it will sponsor.

While environmentalists are employing all means available to persuade major corporations to stop polluting our air and water, we should use similar persuasion to prevent the further pollution of our culture. It’s high time to broaden our sense of corporate responsibility to include a serious consideration of the long-term impact of the entertainment that a company may produce or sponsor.

As part of the continuing struggle we must do more than protest the bad; we should also begin promoting the good, and providing uplifting alternatives to the trash that currently dominates the scene. It’s a sad fact that talented individuals with traditional convictions or religious scruples have too often shunned active involvement in show business because of that arena’s longstanding reputation for sleaziness. Unfortunately, this means abandoning the field to the sickos and sybarites, and you see the results on your television and movie screens. Let the call go out immediately: the outnumbered good guys in Hollywood desperately need reenforcements!

Keep in mind that the entertainment industry is one area of endeavor in which a few gifted individuals can still make an enormous difference. The American people have shown that they are ready to respond when given the opportunity, as witness the utterly unexpected, $100 million success of a wholesome, life-affirming project like Driving Miss Daisy.

Even more recently, an unheralded, low-budget picture called China Cry demonstrated once again that good values can mean good box office. This off-beat production, funded by a determined group of evangelical Christians, may not be the greatest film ever made, but it’s a heart-felt, passionate piece of movie-making about a young mother who undergoes a religious conversion while suffering persecution at the hands of the Chinese Communists. Without well-known stars or any promotion budget to speak of, this audacious little picture has drawn an amazing response from the public-averaging more than $6,000 per screening in its first three weeks of release. This means that in multiplex theatres where it has played alongside big budget major studio productions, it has easily clobbered films such as Rocky V or Goodfellas or Predator II. We need more films like China Cry, but we’ll only get them if concerned individuals are willing to roll up their sleeves, to dirty their hands, and to get to work—outside the mainstream, if necessary—to change the direction of the popular culture.

The change, when it comes, will amount to nothing less than a grassroots revolution. It won’t flow from the top down, but from the bottom up. If we place all our faith in a few bigwigs in Los Angeles, or New York, or Washington, nothing will happen. We must rely instead on a thousand different centers of energy and dedication, in every corner of these United States, to make sure that popular culture will once again reflect—and encourage—the fundamental goodness of our people.

As a film critic, it is sometimes difficult for me to acknowledge that movies aren’t the measure of all things. I keep my own sense of perspective through my involvement with Pacific Jewish Center—an educational and religious institution in California I helped to found some thirteen years ago. People constantly ask me, “Why do you spend so much time on that place? You have access to television, to the world stage, and yet you devote every spare moment to your neighborhood, your synagogue, and your personal friends.”

I know that supporters of Hillsdale College get the same sort of questions: “Why lavish all this attention on this one tiny school? It’s in the middle of Michigan, for Heaven’s sake, with only a thousand students! Wouldn’t it be better to forget about this backwater institution and concentrate on the big picture?”

There’s a ready answer to that challenge in George Roche’s homely recollections of his own education in a one-room school house high in the Colorado Rockies where they were short on money, books and facilities, but long on grit, determination and individual responsibility. What matters ultimately in the culture wars is what we do in our daily lives—not the big statements that we broadcast to the world at large, but the small messages we send through our families and our neighbors and our communities. And those small messages, reinforcing each other from every direction across this country, can become a force powerful enough to change the world. The future of America will depend not so much on the movers and shakers in the centers of power, but on the hopes that we generate in our own communities, our schools, our churches, synagogues, and families. What we do there will count for even more, in the long run, than what celluloid shadows do on screen.


Reprinted by permission from Imprimis, a publication of Hillsdale College.


Saturday, May 29, 2010

Keeping the Faith: Religion, Freedom, and International Affairs

One of the world’s leading authorities on religious persecution, Paul Marshall is a senior fellow at Freedom House’s Center for Religious Freedom in Washington, D.C. He is also an adjunct professor of philosophy at the Free University of Amsterdam, an adjunct fellow at the Claremont Institute, and an adjunct professor at Fuller Theological Seminary.

Dr. Marshall is the author of 300 scholarly and popular articles and such books as Just Politics and Heaven Is Not My Home (just released this January). His best-selling and award-winning 1997 survey of religious persecution, Their Blood Cries Out (with Lela Gilbert), was described in the U.S. Senate as “a powerful and persuasive analysis [that] simply cannot be ignored.”

Paul Marshall reports that not only does religious persecution continue worldwide but that it is also more brutal and more widespread than we have been led to believe by the Western media. He urges us to make religious rights prominent among human rights. If we do so, we should understand and react to world politics more clearly and more consistently.

Dr. Marshall’s remarks were delivered at Hillsdale’s Center for Constructive Alternatives seminar, “Faith and Freedom Around the World,” sponsored in part by the Sage Foundation, on campus last fall.


By Paul Marshall

At the end of 1997, former New York Times executive editor A. M. Rosenthal confessed, “I realized that in decades of reporting, writing, or assigning stories on human rights, I rarely touched on one of the most important. Political human rights, legal, civil, and press rights, emphatically often; but the right to worship where and how God or conscience leads, almost never.”

The habit of ignoring religious persecution is all too common in the West. On August 22, 1998, for example, seven leaders of underground churches in China released an unprecedented joint statement calling for dialogue with the communist government. The U.S. media virtually ignored the statement, despite the fact that these leaders represent the only nationwide group in China not under government control. Their membership of 15 million is several times larger than the population of Tibet and hundreds of times larger than the number of China’s democracy and human rights activists. But the press just isn’t interested.

Nor is it interested in religious persecution in Sudan, the largest country in Africa, which still practices crucifixion. After enduring more than forty years of civil war, the predominantly Christian population in southern Sudan is subject to torture, rape, and starvation for its refusal to convert to Islam. Christian children are routinely sold into slavery. Muslims who dare to convert to Christianity are faced with the death penalty.

In the last fifteen years, Sudan’s death toll of more than 1.9 million is far greater than Rwanda’s (800,000), Bosnia’s (300,000), and Kosovo’s (1,000) combined. The United Nations’ special rapporteur on Sudan, Gaspar Biro, produced five official reports documenting the carnage, declaring “abuses are past proving…these are the facts.” He resigned when his reports were consistently ignored.

Not a week goes by that Freedom House’s Center for Religious Freedom does not learn of major stories of religious persecution abroad. Christians are usually the victims, but so are many others, such as Buddhists in Vietnam, Baha’is in Iran, and Shiite Muslims in Afghanistan. These stories rarely make headlines or penetrate the consciousness of journalists and foreign policy professionals.

Secular Myopia

One main cause for this ignorance is what I call “secular myopia,” that is, “an introverted, parochial inability even to see, much less understand, the role of religion in human life.” It is a condition that mainly afflicts the “chattering classes,” which include diplomats, journalists, political commentators, and policy analysts. As strategic theorist Edward Luttwak has observed, the chattering classes are eager to examine economic causes, social differentiations, and political affiliations, but they generally disregard the impact of faith upon the lives of individuals and the lives of nations.

Secular myopia can have painful consequences. Remember how little the U.S. knew about the Ayatollah Khomeini and his followers in Iran during the late 1970s? Luttwak notes that there was only one proposal for the CIA to examine “the attitude and activities of the more prominent religious leaders” and that this proposal was vetoed as an irrelevant exercise in sociology.

As the Shah’s regime was collapsing, U.S. political analysts kept insisting that everything was fine. True to their training, they focused on economic variables, class structure, and the military, and they concluded that, since businessmen, the upper classes, and the military supported the Shah, he was safe. There were, of course, many mullahs (religious teachers and leaders) arousing Islamic sentiment, but the analysts believed that religious movements drew only on folk memories, were destined to disappear with “modernization,” and were irrelevant to the real forces and institutions of political power.

Consequently, the U. S. did not clear its embassy of important documents or staff. When Khomeini seized power, his followers captured both. They used the former to attack American personnel throughout the Middle East and the latter to precipitate a hostage crisis that paralyzed our nation for two years.

According to Luttwak, during the Vietnam War, “every demographic, economic, ethnic, social, and, of course, military aspect of the conflict was subject to detailed scrutiny, but the deep religious cleavages that afflicted South Vietnam were hardly noticed.” He added that the “tensions between the dominant Catholic minority [and] a resentful Buddhist majority…were largely ignored until Buddhist monks finally had to resort to flaming self-immolations in public squares, precisely to attract the attention of Americans so greatly attentive to everything else in Vietnam that was impeccably secular.”

Similar tales can be told of our myopic view of conflicts in Bosnia, Nicaragua, Israel, Lebanon, India, the Philippines, and Indonesia.

Misunderstanding Religion

Religion as Ethnicity

In 1997, when Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed railed against speculators with the outrageous claim, “We are Muslims, and the Jews are not happy to see the Muslims progress,” the Los Angeles Times described him as “race-obsessed.” Perhaps the Times took its cue from media descriptions of former Yugoslavia. In this tortured land, the war raging between the Orthodox, Catholics, and Muslims is always referred to as “ethnic” and attacks on Bosnian Muslims are always referred to as “ethnic cleansing.”

There are many such examples of media misunderstanding. The Economist headlined a 1997 story about attacks on 25 churches and a temple in eastern Java that were prompted by a Muslim heresy trial as “Race Riots.” A 1998 New York Times editorial on rampant violence in Indonesia cited “tensions between Indonesia’s Muslim majority and Chinese minority” as if there were no Chinese Muslims and no non-Muslims except for the Chinese.

Religion as Irrationality

Western opinionmakers and policymakers consider themselves the heirs of the “Enlightenment,” an 18th-century intellectual movement that stressed rationalism and science over faith and other forms of “superstition.” To them, all contemporary peoples, events, and issues fall into Enlightenment categories, which are most often political or ideological.

Muslims are identified as “right-wing,” even when they advocate leftist economic controls. Hindus who propose to build a temple on the site of the Babri mosque in India and Jews who propose to build a Third Temple on the site of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem are also labeled “left-wing” or “right-wing” without any regard to religious context.

When the vocabulary of “left” and “right” has run its tired course, we are left with that old standby, “fundamentalist”—a word dredged up from the American past, despite dubious provenance. What “fundamentalist” means when applied to Christians, Buddhists, Hindus, or Muslims is hard to understand. Using the term is a sign of intellectual laziness. If what believers believe does not easily fall into an Enlightenment category, then it is assumed that they must be “irrational.” Thus, “fundamentalist” is now merely shorthand for “religious fanatic”—for someone who is to be categorized rather than heard, observed rather than comprehended, dismissed rather than respected.

Religion as Sublimated Anxiety

When ethnicity and psychology fail to subsume religion, the alternative is to treat it, in quasi- Marxist fashion, as the sublimation of drives that supposedly can be explained by poverty, economic changes, or the stresses of modernity. Of course, these factors do play a role, but, all too often, what we encounter is an a priori methodological commitment to treating religion as secondary—as a mildly interesting phenomenon that can be explained, but that is never an explanation in and of itself.

So great is this bias that when the Journal of International Affairs devoted its 1996 edition to studies of religious influences, it apologized in part for even mentioning faith with the admission, “Religion may seem an unusual topic for an international affairs journal.” The editors added that “it is hardly surprising that scholars…have, for the most part, ignored [religion].”

Taking Religion Seriously

Religion and War

If we do start to take religion seriously in international affairs, then we will learn a great deal about war, about democracy, and about freedom of all kinds.

It was pointed out by religion scholars long before political scientist Samuel Huntington’s recent book, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order, that chronic armed conflict is concentrated on the margins of the traditional religions, especially along the boundaries of the Islamic world. The Middle East, the southern Sahara, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Southern Asia are where Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, and Hinduism intersect. It is also where most wars have broken out in the last 50 years.

These are not explicitly religious wars. But since religion shapes cultures, people in these regions have different histories and different views of human life. Regardless of the triggers for conflict, they are living in unstable areas where conflict is likely to occur—in religious fault zones that are also prone to political earthquakes.

Religion and Democracy

Religion also shapes governments. In Eastern Europe, authoritarian governments are finding it easier to hold on in areas where the Orthodox church, with its long history of association with the state, has had special influence. The new boundaries of Eastern and Western Europe are tending to fall along the old divide between Orthodox and Catholic/Protestant.

Huntington makes a strong case that, in the 1970s-80s, a “third wave of democracy” swept over Portugal, Spain, Eastern Europe, Latin America, and the Philippines, in part because of important changes in the dominant nongovernment institution— the Catholic church. (He concludes that changes made after the Second Vatican Council inspired a major movement toward democracy and human rights.)

The role of the church in the fall of communism may not be clear to Western observers afflicted with secular myopia, but it is all too clear to Chinese government officials. As brutal practitioners of communism, they are perversely aware of the power of human spirituality, and so they regard religion with deadly seriousness. In 1992, the Chinese press noted that “the church played an important role in the change” in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and warned, “If China does not want such a scene to be repeated in its land, it must strangle the baby while it is still in the manger.”

Underground church or “house church” leaders consistently report that the current government crackdown is due to fears prompted by religious events in the former Soviet bloc. Even Chinese government documents actually implementing the crackdown state that one of their purposes is to prevent “the changes that occurred in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.”

Each year, Freedom House conducts a comparative survey of political rights and civil liberties around the world. The 1998-99 survey finds that, of the 88 countries rated as “free,” 79 “are majority Christian by tradition or belief.” Clearly, correlations are not causalities, so this does not imply any direct link between Christianity and democracy (the survey also finds a connection between Hinduism and democracy). However, the existence of such a relationship is significant, not least because it is far greater than material factors such as economic growth, on which theorists and analysts lavish attention.

Politics and the Nature of the Church

One reason for the modern correlation between Christianity and political freedom lies in the nature of the church. From the beginning Christians, while usually loyal citizens, necessarily have an attachment to “another king” and a loyalty to a divine order that is apart from and beyond the political order.

In the Latin churches of the West, the two realms of sacerdotium (church) and regnum (state) emerged. Henceforth, there were two centers of authority in society. As political philosopher George Sabine reminds us, the Christian church became a distinct institution, independent of the state, entitled to shape the spiritual concerns of mankind. This, he adds, “may not unreasonably be described as the most revolutionary event in the history of Western Europe, in respect both to politics and to political thought.”

It is not that the church or the state directly advocated religious freedom or any other freedom— they did not, and often inquisitions were defended. But people in both realms always believed that there should be boundaries, and they struggled over centuries to define them. This meant that the church, whatever its lust for civil control, had always to acknowledge that there were forms of political power which it could and should not exercise. And the state, whatever its drive to dominate, had to acknowledge that there were areas of human life that were beyond its reach.

The very existence of the modern church denies that the state is the all-encompassing or ultimate arbiter of human life. Regardless of how the relationship between God and Caesar has been confused, it now at least means that, contra the Romans and modern totalitarians, Caesar is not God. This confession, however mute, sticks in the craw of every authoritarian regime and draws an angry and bloody response.

Faith and Freedom

This confession also suggests that people interested in democracy should heed religion. For example, attention to China’s courageous pro-democracy activists is certainly deserved, but it must be remembered that their following is quite small.

Therefore, more attention should be paid to China’s dissident churches, which, at a conservative estimate, number some 25 million members (apart from 15 million members in official churches) and which are growing at a rate of 10-15 percent a year.

In a 1997 cover story, “God Is Back,” the Far East Economic Review quoted the words of one Beijing official: “If God had the face of a seventy- year-old man, we wouldn’t care if he was back. But he has the face of millions of 20-year-olds, so we are worried.”

Clearly, the rapid growth of the only nationwide movement in China not under government control merits political attention.

Religion and International Relations

Apart from some of the horrific situations already described in Sudan, the Balkans, and elsewhere, the following religious trends also merit political reflection:

    The rise of large, militant religious parties such as the Welfare Party in Turkey and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India and the growth of radical Islam all over the world. The rapid growth of charismatic Protestantism and Catholicism in Latin America. As Cambridge sociologist David Martin has shown, these indigenous developments represent one of the largest religious changes of the century. They also produce personal reform and provide a major impetus toward entrepreneurial activity. The pattern of violence and warfare along the sub-Saharan boundary from Nigeria to Ethiopia. This constitutes a huge Christian/Muslim breach that must be addressed before peace is possible. Massive rates of Christian conversions in Korea (now 25 percent of the population), China (a minimum of 40 million, up from one million in 1980), Taiwan, and Indonesia. Increasing religious tensions in trouble spots such as Nigeria and Indonesia. There is widespread religious violence in the northern and central regions of Nigeria, with thousands dead in recent years. There could be all-out religious war. In Indonesia, escalating religious strife precedes and has some separate dynamics from recent anti- Chinese violence: 200 churches were destroyed in Java alone in a recent 15-month period, and most of them were not attended by ethnic Chinese. Such incidents threaten to undermine what has been one of the world’s best examples of interreligious toleration and cooperation.

    In both of these regions, there is the possibility that instability and violence will spread far beyond the religious communities themselves.

    The exodus of Christians from the Middle East—some two million in the last five years. Currently some 3 percent of Palestinians are Christians, compared to an estimated 25 percent 50 years ago. Similar mass flight from Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Turkey, and Iraq has occurred. The emergence of the Orthodox church as a unifying symbol in Russia, the Balkans, and other parts of the former Soviet Union. The increasing prominence of religion in the conflicts between India and Pakistan, which now possess nuclear weapons.

    I am not making the absurd suggestion that religion—apart from other cultural, ethnic, economic, political, or strategic elements—is the only or the key factor in international affairs. Societies are complex. But I am saying that it is absurd to examine any political order without attending to the role of religion. We consistently need to deal with religion as an important independent factor. Analyses that ignore religion should be inherently suspect.

    The Centrality of Religious Freedom

    In the West there are now hopeful signs of a new awareness of the importance of religion and religious freedom. On October 9, 1998, the U.S. Senate passed the landmark International Religious Freedom Act. The following day, the House did the same. On October 27, President Clinton—a strong opponent—cut his losses and signed the act, which establishes a commission appointed by Congress and the White House to monitor global religious persecution and recommend responses. This is a small step, but it is a step, and in a vital area where few have trod. It is vital that we take similar steps—as concerned citizens.

    We must support policies, programs, and organizations that promote and defend religious freedom.

    We must support people such as Pope John Paul II, a man with no military or economic resources who is nonetheless daily aware of the spiritual dynamics of the world and who, for this reason, is perhaps its most important statesman.

    We must make religious freedom a core element of “human rights.” This is not a parochial matter. Historically, it is the first freedom in the growth of human rights, and it is the first freedom in the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

    While all human rights pressures make “geopolitical realists” nervous, religion carries the additional burdens of touching on deeply felt commitments, of facing confused domestic claims about “separation of church and state,” and fears that the U.S. is an imperial Christian power. But for anyone concerned with freedom and democracy this is no reason to hesitate. Religious rights must be at the forefront of any sound human rights policy. And unless we understand this, our ability to fight for any freedom at all is compromised.


Reprinted by permission from Imprimis, a publication of Hillsdale College.


Thursday, February 18, 2010

The Battle of the Textbooks


From Chronicles
By William Murchison

Few things in life are as clear as the futility of a real debate on the clarity of America’s religious origins.

“Debate,” I said? Lay a finger, unsuspectingly, on The New York Times Magazine’s inspection of the attempt by so-called Christian fundamentalists to overhaul history textbooks, and you require treatment for first-degree burns.

I refer less to the article itself than to readers’ sulfurous responses to the claims of Texas State Board of Education members concerning the need they see for forthright teaching of the founding fathers’ Christianity. Yow-ee! “These people are dangerous.” “These people are scary.” “Can’t we simply return Texas to the Mexicans and terminate this national embarrassment?” “Next we will be arresting ‘non-Christians’ and putting them in internment camps.” “There seems to be an unlimited supply of lunatics in America.” This, and more, from readers of our major newspaper of record.

See what I mean? Better yet, see what many Christians, not all of the “right-wing” variety, mean when they suggest the presence in the United States of growing hostility to their faith, or supernatural faith of any kind?

The magazine article in question comes down, tonally, on the side of those who reject the understanding of about half the state education board’s members “that the United States was founded by devout Christians and according to biblical precepts”—and that textbooks should reflect that understanding.

The reason this is a big deal is that Texas buys 48 million textbooks annually, which gives textbooks publishers the incentive to “tailor their products to fit the standards dictated by the Lone Star State.” Jeepers, some innocent Brooklyn kid, on the instance of boot-wearing yahoos from Bushland, could actually hear in class (shudder) that our country’s founders saw Christianity as more than a personal opinion. Clearly, if you read The New York Times, you’re supposed to stew about such a prospect.

Jeez, guys, I consume The New York Times myself, seven days a week, and the major worry I see emerging from behind the sulfur smoke is the sanctification of religious intolerance. In the name of “tolerance.” Such is the irony here. We can’t talk about claims to religious Truth without reviling those who claim such a thing as religious truth exists and requires intellectual notice, if not affirmation.

Was the United States organized as a “Christian nation”? That’s a claim I’m not sure you can get away with. You can say, with total accuracy, that Christianity informed and inspired the whole of the civilization to which the founders belonged. Which seems to me the claim that really is at stake here. No Texas school board member contends the founders intended to “establish” Christianity as the state religion: Merely that they accepted Christianity’s assumptions, in greater (Washington) or lesser (Jefferson) degree—viewed them as reflective of truth about human origins and destiny. From this a second contention follows: Students need reminding, in greater or lesser degree, that the founders prayed. (And, yes, they did pray!)

Why? What goes on? Chiefly, the working out of trends that set in during the early 1960s: growing secularism, growing depreciation of religion’s—any religion’s—importance in shaping motives and actions and consequences. The U.S. Supreme Court’s often hostile rulings on school prayer and religious symbols in public places reflect a growing view, chiefly on the political and social left, that people who want God can look for Him in church and leave everyone else alone.

OK, interesting. Can we talk about that approach to civic life? Evidently not. As with abortion, the Supreme Court governmentalizes the discussion. A theological matter becomes, in our democracy, a power question. The State Board of Education in Texas takes up the question at precisely the level—the political one—to which the Supreme Court invited us all half a century ago.

My fellow New York Times readers don’t appreciate my fellow Texans getting in their faces. Too bad. The secularists started this whole needless foofaraw. Let them, if they care to, pray for an end to it.


William Murchison is a corresponding editor of Chronicles and the author of Mortal Follies: Episcopalians and the Crisis of Mainline Christianity.

Saturday, August 22, 2009

San Diego Public School Dance Teacher Fired for Playing Song with Christ in It


From Christian Newswire

Kathy Villalobos was a dance teacher for two San Diego Public Middle Schools. For five years she taught young teens how to dance. One day in class she played a song to her students that had the name "Christ" in it. Within five days, she was fired. That event transpired 4 1/2 years ago.

This Monday August 24, jury selection and her trial begins at the El Cajon East County Courthouse - along with a lively protest beforehand of the rights that were violated as a result of this firing.

"This is a tremendous injustice and violation of religious liberties" said Mary Kuper, Protest Organizer "Our Country was founded upon 'In God we Trust' and 'One Nation Under God', mentioning the name of Christ is an honor and a blessing, certainly not a reason for termination of employment. We hold the public school system accountable for this unreasonable act of injustice."

Pacific Justice Institute (PJI) is representing Ms. Villalobos. Brad Dacus, President of PJI, will speak at the protest Monday morning.

Protest of Injustice Against Religious Liberties
Monday August 24, 2009
9:00am
El Cajon County Courthouse steps
250 East Main Street
El Cajon, CA 92020


Friday, May 8, 2009

Black Ministers Arrested on National Day of Prayer


From CharismaMag.com

Although President Obama did not host a National Day of Prayer observance, two African-American ministers prayed outside the White House today, even though it led to their arrest.

The Rev. Johnny Hunter and the Rev. Stephen Broden, both longtime pro-life activists, were taken into custody briefly after holding a "prayer picket" outside the White House to publicly oppose the president's decision not to participate in the National Day of Prayer (NDOP). They were released after just a few hours.

"[It's] the National Day of Prayer, and the president refuses to participate in it?" said Hunter, who leads the Life Education and Resource Networks (LEARN) in Fayetteville, N.C. "Before at least presidents were nice enough to open their doors and let some Christians come in and pray. ... Not this one. So since he wouldn't do it, we took the prayer to him."

The ministers said they knew they were risking arrest but held signs saying: "Jesus Christ Is Our Lord and Savior. BHO is not" to protest what they see as a dangerous trend toward broader abortion access and acceptance of homosexuality that has occurred under the Obama administration.

"We believe this republic is under great duress right now and stress, and we believe prayer is the means by which we can change things here in America and in this government," said Broden, pastor of Fair Park Bible Fellowship Church in Dallas.

"We prayed that God would either stay the hand of judgment or quicken the hearts of men and women of faith for them to recognize that they need to come to the streets, they need to come to the public square and make it clear that we are not in favor of same-sex marriage, we are not in favor of this scourge ... [of abortion], we are not in favor of the kind of trickery and gamesmanships that are being played in the house of Congress and the house of the Senate. We are fed up, and we are tired of what this nation is doing and what our leaders are doing relative to their role and responsibility for protecting our freedoms."

The ministers joined some 2 million Christians, who met in at least 40,000 venues nationwide to pray for the U.S. A national service was held this morning in Washington, D.C., led by NDOP Task Force Chairman Shirley Dobson, Focus on the Family founder James Dobson and Bible teacher Beth Moore.

The event was broadcast live on GOD TV, Sky Angel and at the NDOP Task Force Web site. It will re-air at 7:30 p.m. PDT during another prayer event in Los Angeles.

"The fact that up to 50,000 communities will have public observances of prayer is strategically very important because it points to the awakening of the believing body of Christ that is going on," said Gary Bergel, president emeritus/editor of Intercessors for America in Washington, D.C.

"That's what we know we're laboring for, the restoration of the church as the ongoing daily house of prayer for all people. ... Not only for all men and women to come to know freedom and redemption through Jesus Christ but all in authority, all heads of state, that we could live quiet, peaceable, worshipful, enterprising, free lives here"

White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs said President Obama would pray privately on the NDOP. The president also issued a proclamation recognizing the day and calling on Americans to "to pray in thanksgiving" for the nation's freedoms and blessings and "to ask for God's continued guidance, grace, and protection for this land that we love." (Read President Obama's proclamation.)

Christian leaders widely decried Obama's decision to break from President George W. Bush tradition of holding an official observance.

"We are disappointed in the lack of participation by the Obama administration," Shirley Dobson said. "At this time in our country's history, we would hope our president would recognize more fully the importance of prayer."

In addition to praying for the nation, faith leaders and members of Congress were to hold a bipartisan press conference today to affirm America's Christian heritage.

"America was birthed in a prayer meeting led by our Founding Fathers," said Mathew D. Staver, founder of the law firm Liberty Counsel and dean of the Liberty University School of Law.

"After dissention arose among the Revolutionary leaders about the proper form of government, and when all hope seemed lost, Benjamin Franklin arose and said: ‘Have we now forgotten that powerful friend? Or do we imagine that we no longer need His assistance?' The Founders convened a three-day prayer meeting and America was born."

Twenty-four members of Congress were to join Staver at the press briefing, including Rep. J. Randy Forbes, R-Va., who on Monday introduced the America's Spiritual Heritage Resolution to recognize the role prayer played in the nation's history. The measure also calls on Congress to designate the first week in May as "American Religious History Week."

The legislation and the press conference are aimed at countering Obama's recent statement that Americans "do not consider ourselves a Christian nation or a Jewish nation or a Muslim nation. We consider ourselves a nation of citizens who are bound by ideals and a set of values."

"The United States Supreme Court has acknowledged that America is a ‘Christian nation,' that we are a ‘religious people,' and that our ‘institutions presuppose a Supreme Being,'" Staver said in a statement. "Yes, Mr. President, America was born on a Christian and Judeo foundation. At critical times like these, we ought to heed the words of Benjamin Franklin and humbly ask almighty God to bless America."

Last week, prayer leaders Cindy Jacobs and Dutch Sheets called on Christians to help "turn the nation back to God" by praying on April 30. On that day in 1863, during the Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln issued a proclamation calling the nation to humble itself "before the offended Power," to confess its national sins and to pray for "clemency and forgiveness."

The prayer effort was to continue through the NDOP, when intercessors were asked to intensify their prayers for national healing and renewal.

"Let's come into agreement with what President Lincoln said and let's make a statement to this nation, to the spiritual powers that are trying to steal from us our Christian heritage, and let's say: ‘The war isn't over. We are not going to give this nation away, and the culture war isn't over,'" said Sheets, pastor of Springs Harvest Fellowship in Colorado Springs, Colo. "God is going to help us reform this nation. We are going to get it done."

This year is the 58th annual NDOP, which President Harry Truman signed into law in 1952 after the Rev. Billy Graham led a crusade in Washington, D.C. In 1988 President Ronald Reagan set the observances on the first Thursday in May.

In March, the Obama administration asked that a lawsuit claiming the NDOP violated church-state separation be dismissed, the Associated Press reported. The administration argued that the tradition dates back to 1775 and that most presidents have invoked faith in a higher power.